By Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (auth.), Paula Kempchinsky, Roumyana Slabakova (eds.)
The learn of the linguistic reflexes of element has been an energetic box of study in a variety of sub-disciplines of linguistics, equivalent to syntax, semantics (including discourse concept) and acquisition experiences. even if, communique and dissemination of effects throughout those numerous subfields has frequently been oblique. the several angles introduced jointly provide us a finished photo of the illustration of point within the mind/brain of the speaker.
The papers during this quantity signify the result of a workshop at the syntax, semantics and acquisition of element held in 2002 whose function was once to foment energetic cross-disciplinary communique. some of the papers learn the syntactic illustration of lexical or scenario point, whereas others concentrate on the syntactic interplay of lexical point with grammatical point, and of grammatical point and annoying. different papers research the position of point in discourse representations, whereas a 3rd crew of papers experiences on result of empirical stories at the acquisition of element in either first and moment language acquisition, and styles of lack of morphosyntactic reflexes of element in language attrition.
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Some consequences of Rizzi's theory of topic are that not all clauses contain TopP, topics must mergelmove to Spec, TopP before spell-out, and there are no topic splits parallel to subject and object splits. Because topic-prominent languages are discourse oriented, we suggest that they have no event feature to be checked and no phi features to be checked. If this is correct, then a topic-prominent language should have no subject requirement. We should find topic prominent languages with no head marking (due to the lack of phi features), and with no grarnmaticization of the event through either the subject or direct object.
Kim ate some apples. Pat drank too much beer. Robin read two books. Marcia built a house. (3) a. b. Kim ate apples. Pat drank beer. Although the nature of property a is generally sought within the domain of quantification, its precise characterization is not agreed upon, a matter to which I turn shortly. Suppose we adopt in this context the prevailing view that the telicityatelicity distinction is to be viewed as equivalent to the semantic distinctions which are attested within the nominal domain, and specifically, to the distinction between quantity nominals and non-quantity nominals (cf.
A few more comments are in order here concerning cases such as more than three apples, several apples, some apples and similar examples. For Krifka, they were cumulative, and in fact, non-quantized, as it is certainly not the case that every proper subset of more than three apples must be distinct from more than three apples. For Kiparsky's definition they continue to be cumulative, of course. Are they divisive, however? , more than three apples. , four apples, which is more than three, thereby passing the divisiveness test.